How would you score them?

Position on confessional or sectarian political organisation: Lebanese-style consociational quotas, Iraqi muhasasa, Syrian Alawite-network governance, vs post-sectarian / civic-state framings. Relevant primarily to Lebanon, Iraq, Syria, Bahrain; less so to Egypt or Saudi Arabia where the question does not structurally arise.

Position on social and institutional modernization versus tradition. Captures stance on issues like womens rights, religious authority in public life, reform of family law, openness to technological and economic transformation. Distinct from the secular-religious axis: an actor can be religious and modernizing (Vision 2030) or secular and traditionalist (state-corporatist nationalism).

Stance toward the state's foundational constitutional order — for Israel the Zionist-democratic state; for republics and monarchies the existing political order. Pro-regime (+) accepts and defends that order; anti-regime (−) rejects or seeks to overturn it. This measures stance toward the FOUNDATIONAL ORDER, not the incumbent government: an opposition party loyal to the constitutional order still scores positive.

Degree to which the actor frames its politics around pan-Arab solidarity (the Nasserist, Baathist, and contemporary anti-normalization tradition) versus country- or community-specific particularism (sectarian, ethnic, monarchic, or nation-state-first frames). One of the major regional cleavages.

Speech, protest, dissent, association, press freedom — expand and protect (positive) vs. restrict (negative).

Degree to which the actor frames its politics around pan-Arab solidarity (the Nasserist, Baathist, and contemporary anti-normalization tradition) versus country- or community-specific particularism (sectarian, ethnic, monarchic, or nation-state-first frames). One of the major regional cleavages.

Stance toward the state's foundational constitutional order — for Israel the Zionist-democratic state; for republics and monarchies the existing political order. Pro-regime (+) accepts and defends that order; anti-regime (−) rejects or seeks to overturn it. This measures stance toward the FOUNDATIONAL ORDER, not the incumbent government: an opposition party loyal to the constitutional order still scores positive.

Posture toward the regional order: the "Axis of Resistance" (Iran–Hezbollah–Hamas–Houthis, anti-normalization, armed struggle) at the negative pole vs the normalization / stability camp (Abraham Accords, Gulf–Israel détente, negotiated settlement) at the positive pole. Pro-Palestinian sympathy ALONE does not make an actor "resistance" — score toward resistance (−) only for alignment with armed-resistance or anti-normalization politics; an actor that pursues its regional aims THROUGH negotiation and normalization leans positive (+).

Position on state structure: favoring a strong unitary central state versus power-sharing among regions, sects, or ethnic groups. Salient in MENA where Iraq, Lebanon, Sudan, and Syria have consociational or federal frames while Egypt, Tunisia, Algeria, and Morocco are strongly centralist. Kurdish parties and Yemeni southern movements sit at the federalist extreme.

Degree to which the actor favors market mechanisms (positive) vs. state allocation (negative).

Commitment to LIBERAL democracy — independent courts, free press, opposition and minority rights, limits on executive power. NOT mere electoral participation: a party that contests elections but works to weaken the judiciary, entrench ethnic or religious supremacy, or curb minority and dissident rights scores LOW (−). Strong commitment to liberal-democratic checks scores HIGH (+).

Position on state structure: favoring a strong unitary central state versus power-sharing among regions, sects, or ethnic groups. Salient in MENA where Iraq, Lebanon, Sudan, and Syria have consociational or federal frames while Egypt, Tunisia, Algeria, and Morocco are strongly centralist. Kurdish parties and Yemeni southern movements sit at the federalist extreme.

Speech, protest, dissent, association, press freedom — expand and protect (positive) vs. restrict (negative).

Position on women's rights, gender roles in public life, family law (personal status, divorce, custody, inheritance), and political representation. Distinct from the broader modernization axis: a party can be tech-modernizing and gender-conservative.

Separation of religion from state and law (positive) vs. religious authority in state and law (negative).

Commitment to LIBERAL democracy — independent courts, free press, opposition and minority rights, limits on executive power. NOT mere electoral participation: a party that contests elections but works to weaken the judiciary, entrench ethnic or religious supremacy, or curb minority and dissident rights scores LOW (−). Strong commitment to liberal-democratic checks scores HIGH (+).

Personal and moral social freedom — lifestyle, LGBTQ+ rights, individual expression, religion-in-private — permissive (+) vs traditional collective moral authority (−). This axis is about SOCIAL / MORAL liberty, NOT security policy, nationalism, or economics: a party can be nationalist-hawkish yet socially permissive (secular nationalists), or dovish yet socially conservative.

Posture toward the regional order: the "Axis of Resistance" (Iran–Hezbollah–Hamas–Houthis, anti-normalization, armed struggle) at the negative pole vs the normalization / stability camp (Abraham Accords, Gulf–Israel détente, negotiated settlement) at the positive pole. Pro-Palestinian sympathy ALONE does not make an actor "resistance" — score toward resistance (−) only for alignment with armed-resistance or anti-normalization politics; an actor that pursues its regional aims THROUGH negotiation and normalization leans positive (+).

Degree to which the actor favors market mechanisms (positive) vs. state allocation (negative).

Position on journalism, broadcast media, and digital information access. Distinct from broader civil liberties: a regime can selectively restrict press while allowing other forms of speech (or vice versa). Captures both legal frameworks (defamation law, licensing, internet shutdowns) and political enforcement.

Commitment to LIBERAL democracy — independent courts, free press, opposition and minority rights, limits on executive power. NOT mere electoral participation: a party that contests elections but works to weaken the judiciary, entrench ethnic or religious supremacy, or curb minority and dissident rights scores LOW (−). Strong commitment to liberal-democratic checks scores HIGH (+).

Position on social and institutional modernization versus tradition. Captures stance on issues like womens rights, religious authority in public life, reform of family law, openness to technological and economic transformation. Distinct from the secular-religious axis: an actor can be religious and modernizing (Vision 2030) or secular and traditionalist (state-corporatist nationalism).

STRATEGIC and security alignment with Western (US/EU) blocs — military cooperation, diplomatic partnership, trade. This is geopolitical orientation, NOT cultural affinity for liberal Western values: a religious-nationalist party can be strongly pro-Western strategically (wants US arms and backing) while rejecting Western liberal social values. Score the strategic posture. Pro-Western (+), anti-Western or hostile-nonaligned (−).

Posture toward the regional order: the "Axis of Resistance" (Iran–Hezbollah–Hamas–Houthis, anti-normalization, armed struggle) at the negative pole vs the normalization / stability camp (Abraham Accords, Gulf–Israel détente, negotiated settlement) at the positive pole. Pro-Palestinian sympathy ALONE does not make an actor "resistance" — score toward resistance (−) only for alignment with armed-resistance or anti-normalization politics; an actor that pursues its regional aims THROUGH negotiation and normalization leans positive (+).

Separation of religion from state and law (positive) vs. religious authority in state and law (negative).